There are several factors such as the length of an interruption, the brain’s ability to draw on background processes, the complexity of an interrupted task and the brain’s ability to process concurrent goals that influence how a developer recovers from an interruption.
The length of an interruption has several implications on recovery costs and influences on cognitive processes. A common set of questions revolve around short-term interruptions: If someone is interrupted for a minute, what are the consequences? If someone stopped working for 15 minutes on a programming task to check email, should it be considered an interruption?
In answer to the first question, most psychology experiments study interruptions on the orders of seconds and minutes and find clear evidence of disruption to the primary task from short-term interruptions as measured by increases of resumption lag.
In regards to the second question, previously during my exploratory research, I measured activity that occurred within the IDE, and for the purpose of the study, considered an interruption to occur when there was no activity in the programming environment for 15 minutes or more. There are two concerns here: First the length of the interruption and second the nature of the work occurring outside of the IDE.
For the first concern, based on my definition of interruption, any break in work is considered an interruption. Once a minute has passed without any interaction in the IDE, the chances of no more work occurring in the next few hours increases significantly. As observed in the study, most events are clustered tightly in sessions: 98% of the events are within one minute of another. Once a developer is interrupted, he or she may pursue other activities before returning to work on the interrupted task, increasing the length of the interruption. This behavior has been observed in the workplace; O’Conaill’s study found 40% of interrupted tasks are not immediately resumed after an interruption.
For the second concern, knowledge workers have been observed to perform micro task-switching [Bannon]. That is, they often rotate between several active tasks and windows every few minutes (programming, checking email, adjusting a music player, etc.) [Judd]. As these types of task-switches often occur within a time span of a few minutes, they were not measured in my study. Although tasks performed outside of the IDE can be related to the programming task, they can often be considered a different task, such as pursuing an information retrieval task by doing a web search related to a programming task or in the case of email, a communication or monitoring task.
Another way to characterize these types of questions is to consider what are the differences in short-term and long-term effects due to an interruption? Using my framework, it is possible to characterize some of the effects of interruption on different types of memory based on length of an interruption. In following table, I outline some memory effects related to short-term and long-term interruptions.
Memory | Short-term | Long-term |
---|---|---|
Attentive | Focus decays | Items need to be restored into focus |
Prospective | Resilient | Monitoring processes discontinue |
Associative | Resilient | Weak associations have faded |
Episodic | Source memory disruptions | Consolidation reduces event fidelity |
Conceptual | Perceptions need to be primed | Abstractions need to be primed |
: Table illustrating the effects of interruption length on different memory types.
For short-term interruptions, different kinds of memory are affected differently. For attentive memory, the ability to maintain focus on items decays immediately, especially if attention must be paid to similar types of items. Prospective and associative memory can be resilient to short-term interruption over the course of the day. Episodic memory can be disrupted by short-term interruptions because the interruption may disturb processes maintaining contextual information about events that have occurred. Perceptions that have been primed in conceptual memory fade with disuse.
With respect to effects on long-term memory, the different memory types are affected in different ways. Attentive memory is devastated. For prospective memory, monitoring processes discontinue the maintenance of prospective actions. Weak associations held in associative memory are irretrievably lost. For events held in episodic memory, details and specifics are lost as the events are consolidated. Abstractions that have been primed in conceptual memory fade with disuse.
The nature of the brain supports background processing of information. If a person stopped working to go on a walk, or solved a bug while taking a shower, what implication does this have about interruptions?
Simply going for a walk increases creativity, even prior to starting the creative task [Oppezzo]. So going for a walk in itself has positives consequence as a direct result of the biochemistry of the brain. What if the person was programming, then decided to go on a walk? The default-mode network [Broyd], is a region of the brain that is active during moments of rest or when a person is not engaged in an a explicit task. Default-mode network processes involve reflection over low priority tasks or unsolved problems. These tasks are often selected from episodic memory [Greicius]. However, these processes are interrupted and disengaged when a person must attend to a demanding or externally cued task.
Although background processes can alleviate some of the problems associated with interruption, the tasks reflected on are processed in an indeterminate manner and not always directed toward the goals we intend. The background processes only engage when the programmer is not doing explicit work on a task, which may not always be an option. Finally, having an unsolved problem pop in and out of attention can be unpleasant when a programmer has returned home for the day and wishes to focus on true rest, friends, and family.
When considering interruption management strategies, background processes can be used as another channel for preserving mental state. Understanding when background processes are engaged, or not, can enable researchers to predict which interrupted tasks can incur the most resumption cost.
The complexity of an ongoing task or interrupted task has several implications on recovery costs and influences on cognitive processes. How can we understand resource conflicts between tasks, especially if the goals are concurrent?
The right hemisphere of the brain can take on a secondary task if both the primary task and secondary task are simple and do not require access to the same types of information [Charron]. In this way, it is possible for the brain to process two concurrent tasks but no more. However, both hemispheres are recruited in complex tasks [Banich]. There is also a general overhead introduced with shifting attention between tasks [Jersild].
Although the brain can support temporary shifts in attention and even process two concurrent goals, it does so at the cost of disrupting complex tasks which require the same resources that the secondary task would consume. This helps explain why interruptions such as instant messages related to a task are less disruptive [Cutrell]. The brain may be keeping the primary task in mind, while using the secondary processes—already primed for handling secondary information related to the primary task—to integrate and handle the instant message. Unfortunately, not all interruptions are related to the task at hand.
When considering interruption management strategies, complexity can be used to understand the mental resources required to support a task. Future research that improves the measure of task complexity can enable researchers to predict which interrupted tasks can incur the most resumption cost. Future interfaces can discourage developers from taking on tasks that are too complex and suggest ways to refactoring the task into more manageable units of work.
There are several individual factors, such as the expertise of developer and the user’s preferences in using memlets, and several ecological factors such as developers that work with pair programming or in open-office floor plans that may influence how a developer may recover from an interruption.
A person’s expertise has several implications on recovery costs and influences on cognitive processes. In general, experts are viewed as being more resistant to interruptions than novices [Ericsson].
Experts have more experience in dealing with interruptions. For example, experienced nurses devise more effective strategies for dealing with interruptions than inexperienced nurses [Burger]. The strategies are more effective because experts constantly self-monitor, keep track of what they are doing, and check for errors in their reasoning [Ericsson]. Finally, experts have access to more abstract representation in their conceptual memory allowing them to attend to more information [Chase]. Unfortunately, the path to becoming an expert is not easily walked: For a novice, evidence suggests this can be a 10 year journey [Chi].
Studies examining the difference between an expert and novice find that performance differences arise from differences in brain activity. Not only do experts require less brain activity than novices, they also use different parts of their brains as evidenced by EEG and fMRI studies [Milton],[Hatfield]: Experts use conceptual memory whereas novices use attentive memory. That is, experts are able to exploit abstractions in conceptual memory, whereas novices must hold primitive representations in attentive memory.
Pair programming is a software development practice where two developers work side-by-side on a single computer during programming tasks. Cognitively, it touches upon the idea of distributed cognition [Hutchins] and transactive memory [Wegner]. Distributed cognition is a theory that describes how cognition and knowledge can be distributed in groups and pairs. In one study of transactive memory [Wegner], it was found that couples outperformed randomly assigned pairs in memory tasks, because the couples were better than strangers at self-selecting what to remember and anticipating what their partner would not remember.
Some developers have suggested that pair programming could assist developers in recovering from interruption:
Interesting article. I was surprised to discover when I first started pair programming 13 years ago, how one person in a pair can hold the context while the other person in the pair gets interrupted. We could get back to work in seconds.
I would guess a pair gets interrupted less than an individual. Societal graces about interrupting people talking and all that. In addition, when a pair *does* get interrupted, their minds (with their different grasps of the context) will get back on task quicker through cooperation. Don’t knock it until you’ve tried it.
The first developer suggests that pair programming could provide a cognitive structure that enables one developer to handle an interruption, while allowing the other developer to continue working. The second developer suggests that there would be minimal interruption between the pairs because a developer could use contextual and social cues to avoid interrupting the partner at moments of high mental load. While there is no scientific confirmation of the first point, the second point is supported in the literature: In a lab study of 7 pairs of students, there was no qualitative indicators of interruptions imposed by pair programming partners [Jones].
Although there is some evidence that pair programming could help developers with interruption, it would not completely address the issue of interruption. Pair programmers may still need memory aids to deal with long-term interruptions or partner swaps. While studies have identified benefits to pair programming, those benefits are not uniformly beneficial when considering overall economic factors [Hannay]. In my professional experience, the prevalence of pair programming may be overstated, as many organizations may state they are practicing pair programming, while programmers selectively perform it.
Some developers work in office environments that expose them to a constant stream of interruptions. Open-offices, where people work in close proximity without any rooms and sometimes no dividers, is popular for reduced cost and increased opportunity for collaboration.
There are several sources of evidence that point out the negative effects of interruptions in open-offices. Open-offices can lead to lower productivity and increased stress in employees [Brennan]. Workers are more like to experience both internal and external interruptions in open-offices [Dabbish].
As a result of working in open offices, workers may be forced to develop alternative work strategies. Some might delay complex work until working at night or at home. In experiments with frequent interruptions, subjects naturally adapted more aggressive suspension strategies [Monk] —open-office workers will likely have to do the same. During the summer of 2013, I had the opportunity to visit several startup offices with open-office floor plans. I observed that programmers had developed a set of cultural norms to help deal with interruptions: For example, wearing headphones signalling a request for no interruptions or self-segregation into quiet areas and collaboration spaces.
The design of the office environment will have long-lasting consequences on the productivity of the workers who work in them. Managers need to consider more than the initial cost savings offered by a particular office design, but also factor in long-term productivity costs. Finally, many of the factors that need to be considered are not static, for example, developer’s age, project maturity, and team-sizes. Which means what works well for today’s office may not work well for tomorrow’s office.
Related notes on open-office experiences, David Fullerton: Why we still believe in private offices.